Реферат: The Impact the Civil War 1861-1865 on Economic, Politic and Industry Development in the USA
Реферат: The Impact the Civil War 1861-1865 on Economic, Politic and Industry Development in the USA
NATIONAL PEDAGOGOC UNIVERSITY
FOREIGN PHILOLOGY DEPARTMENT
Tne Impact the Civil War 1861-1865 on Economic, Politic and Industry
Development in the USA
Written by
53-th group student
Tatiana Ryabchun
Kyiv, 2000
Reconstruction
(1865-77), in U.S. history, period during and after the American Civil War in
which attempts were made to solve the political, social, and economic
problems arising from the readmission to the Union of the 11 Confederate
states that had seceded at or before the outbreak of war.
As early as 1862, Pres. Abraham Lincoln had appointed provisional military
governors for Louisiana, Tennessee, and North Carolina. The following year,
initial steps were taken to reestablish governments in newly occupied states
in which at least 10 percent of the voting population had taken the
prescribed oath of allegiance. Aware that the presidential plan omitted any
provision for social or economic reconstruction, the Radical Republicans in
Congress resented such a lenient political arrangement under solely executive
jurisdiction. As a result, the stricter Wade-Davis Bill was passed in 1864
but pocket vetoed by the President.
After Lincoln's assassination (April 1865), Pres. Andrew Johnson further
alienated Congress by continuing Lincoln's moderate policies. The Fourteenth
Amendment, defining national citizenship so as to include blacks, passed
Congress in June 1866 and was ratified, despite rejection by most Southern
states (July 28, 1868). In response to Johnson's intemperate outbursts against
the opposition as well as to several reactionary developments in the South (
e.g., race riots and passage of the repugnant black codes severely
restricting rights of blacks), the North gave a smashing victory to the Radical
Republicans in the 1866 congressional election.
That victory launched the era of congressional Reconstruction (usually called
Radical Reconstruction), which lasted 10 years starting with the
Reconstruction Acts of 1867. Under that legislation, the 10 remaining
Southern states (Tennessee had been readmitted to the Union in 1866) were
divided into five military districts; and, under supervision of the U.S.
Army, all were readmitted between 1868 and 1870. Each state had to accept the
Fourteenth or, if readmitted after its passage, the Fifteenth Constitutional
Amendment, intended to ensure civil rights of the freedmen. The newly created
state governments were generally Republican in character and were governed by
political coalitions of blacks, carpetbaggers (Northerners who had gone into
the South), and scalawags (Southerners who collaborated with the blacks and
carpetbaggers). The Republican governments of the former Confederate states
were seen by most Southern whites as artificial creations imposed from
without, and the conservative element in the region remained hostile to them.
Southerners particularly resented the activities of the Freedmen's Bureau,
which Congress had established to feed, protect, and help educate the newly
emancipated blacks. This resentment led to formation of secret terroristic
organizations, such as the Ku Klux Klan and the Knights of the White Camelia.
The use of fraud, violence, and intimidation helped Southern conservatives
regain control of their state governments, and, by the time the last Federal
troops had been withdrawn in 1877, the Democratic Party was back in power.
About 1900, many U.S. historians espoused a theory of racial inferiority of
blacks. The Reconstruction governments were viewed as an abyss of corruption
resulting from Northern vindictiveness and the desire for political and
economic domination. Later, revisionist historians noted that not only was
public and private dishonesty widespread in all regions of the country at
that time but also that a number of constructive reforms actually were
introduced into the South during that period: courts were reorganized,
judicial procedures improved, public-school systems established, and more
feasible methods of taxation devised. Many provisions of the state
constitutions adopted during the postwar years have continued in existence.
The Reconstruction experience led to an increase in sectional bitterness, an
intensification of the racial issue, and the development of one-party
politics in the South. Scholarship has suggested that the most fundamental
failure of Reconstruction was in not effecting a distribution of land in the
South that would have offered an economic base to support the newly won
political rights of black citizens.
Wade-Davis Bill
(1864), unsuccessful attempt by Radical Republicans and others in the U.S.
Congress to set Reconstruction policy before the end of the Civil War. The
bill, sponsored by senators Benjamin F. Wade and Henry W. Davis, provided for
the appointment of provisional military governors in the seceded states. When
a majority of a state's white citizens swore allegiance to the Union, a
constitutional convention could be called. Each state's constitution was to
be required to abolish slavery, repudiate secession, and disqualify
Confederate officials from voting or holding office. In order to qualify for
the franchise, a person would be required to take an oath that he had never
voluntarily given aid to the Confederacy. President Abraham Lincoln's pocket
veto of the bill presaged the struggle that was to take place after the war
between President Andrew Johnson and the Radical Republicans in Congress.
Property law
Ownership as the absolute right to possession
One may thus define ownership in the same way that the legal philosopher
Felix Cohen defined property: "That is property to which the following label
can be attached: To the world: Keep off X unless you have my permission,
which I may grant or withhold. Signed: Private citizen. Endorsed: The state."
Cohen, however, goes on to warn that all the terms of the definition "shade
off imperceptibly into other things." Consider, for example, the large range
of possibilities encompassed in the phrase "permission, which I may grant or
withhold." In all Western legal systems there are a number of situations in
which the law will either assume that permission has been granted or will
require the private citizen to grant his permission. The situations tend to
be dramatic: Firefighters, for example, are usually allowed to enter private
property to prevent the spread of a fire and frequently are authorized to
destroy private property in order to prevent the spread of a fire.
In the 1960s a number of U.S. Supreme Court cases starkly posed the conflict
between the property owner's right to exclude and civil rights, in the
context of "sit-ins" in restaurants that were excluding customers on racial
grounds. These cases suggested, if they did not quite hold, that in this
context the possessory right of the restaurant owner would have to yield to
the civil-rights claim of those sitting in. In the same period a number of
courts held that owners of farms could not exclude visitors from agricultural
migrant labour camps.
The conflict in these cases between property rights and civil rights was made
starker by the practice in the United States of treating social issues as
constitutional controversies. The issue, however, of the use of property to
discriminate against members of the society whom the property owner
disfavours is present throughout the Western world. Ultimately in the United
States the problem of restaurant sit-ins was resolved by national legislation
that made it the duty of anyone providing food or lodging to serve all comers
without regard to race. Similar legislation exists in many Western countries,
as does legislation allowing access to premises in which workers are
employed.
Black code
in the United States, any of numerous laws enacted in the states of the
former Confederacy after the American Civil War, in 1865 and 1866; the laws
were designed to replace the social controls of slavery that had been removed
by the Emancipation Proclamation and the Thirteenth Amendment to the
Constitution, and were thus intended to assure continuance of white
supremacy.
The black codes had their roots in the slave codes that had formerly been in
effect. The general philosophy supporting the institution of chattel slavery
in America was based on the concept that slaves were property, not persons,
and that the law must protect not only the property but also the property
owner from the danger of violence. Slave rebellions were not unknown, and the
possibility of uprisings was a constant source of anxiety in colonies and
then states with large slave populations. (In Virginia during 1780-1864,
1,418 slaves were convicted of crimes; 91 of these convictions were for
insurrection and 346 for murder.) Slaves also ran away. In the British
possessions in the New World, the settlers were free to promulgate any
regulations they saw fit to govern their labour supply. As early as the 17th
century, a set of rules was in effect in Virginia and elsewhere; but the
codes were constantly being altered to adapt to new needs, and they varied
from one colony, and later one state, to another.
All the slave codes, however, had certain provisions in common. In all of
them the colour line was firmly drawn, and any amount of Negro blood
established the race of a person, whether slave or free, as Negro. The status
of the offspring followed that of the mother, so that the child of a free
father and a slave mother was a slave. Slaves had few legal rights: in court
their testimony was inadmissible in any litigation involving whites; they
could make no contract, nor could they own property; even if attacked, they
could not strike a white person. There were numerous restrictions to enforce
social control: slaves could not be away from their owner's premises without
permission; they could not assemble unless a white person was present; they
could not own firearms; they could not be taught to read or write, or
transmit or possess "inflammatory" literature; they were not permitted to
marry.
Obedience to the slave codes was exacted in a variety of ways. Such
punishments as whipping, branding, and imprisonment were commonly used, but
death (which meant destruction of property) was rarely called for except in
such extreme cases as the rape or murder of a white person. White patrols
kept the slaves under surveillance, especially at night. Slave codes were not
always strictly enforced, but whenever any signs of unrest were detected the
appropriate machinery of the state would be alerted and the laws more
strictly enforced.
The black codes enacted immediately after the American Civil War, though
varying from state to state, were all intended to secure a steady supply of
cheap labour, and all continued to assume the inferiority of the freed
slaves. There were vagrancy laws that declared a black to be vagrant if
unemployed and without permanent residence; a person so defined could be
arrested, fined, and bound out for a term of labour if unable to pay the
fine. Apprentice laws provided for the "hiring out" of orphans and other
young dependents to whites, who often turned out to be their former owners.
Some states limited the type of property blacks could own, and in others
blacks were excluded from certain businesses or from the skilled trades.
Former slaves were forbidden to carry firearms or to testify in court, except
in cases concerning other blacks. Legal marriage between blacks was provided
for, but interracial marriage was prohibited.
It was Northern reaction to the black codes (as well as to the bloody antiblack
riots in Memphis and New Orleans in 1866; see New Orleans Race Riot)
that helped produce Radical Reconstruction (see Reconstruction) and the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments. The Freedmen's Bureau was created in 1865
to help the former slaves. Reconstruction did away with the black codes, but,
after Reconstruction was over, many of their provisions were reenacted in the
Jim Crow laws, which were not finally done away with until passage of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964.
References:
1. Garraty, John A
A short history of the American nation, - 6th ed. – New York Collons
college publ, 1992
2. Ray Allen Willington,
American frontier heritage,- New Mexico, Press 1991
3. Thomas A. Bailey
David M. Kennedy
The American pageant, - 9th ed.- Toronto
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